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Don’t Call the War on Iran Preemptive The U.N. Security Council similarly doubted that Iraq’s weapons program posed an immediate threat and pushed for inspections to continue. Robin Cook resigned his cabinet position as leader of the U.K. House of Commons, saying that Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein was not a clear and present danger to Britain. Lawrence Eagleburger, who had previously served as U.S. secretary of state, stressed that war with Iraq was only legitimate if there was evidence that Saddam was about to launch an attack. The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops also concluded that such a strike would only be justified through “clear and adequate evidence of an imminent attack of a grave nature.” In February 2003, as U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld was arguing for a preemptive strike on Iraq, German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer seemed to sum up the international community’s incredulity: “Excuse me, I’m not convinced.” Ultimately, the Bush administration’s preemptive war on Iraq was rejected as illegitimate by the international community and by the scholars, lawyers, and theologians who were the custodians of the just war tradition. Arguably, one of the outcomes of that disastrous war of choice was to reestablish the moral and legal norms surrounding preemptive warfare, even when weapons of mass destruction (WMD) are involved—and to shore up the central importance of the
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